Episode Transcript
Speaker 0 00:00:04 Hello, and welcome to woman off of the middle east podcast. This podcast relates the realities of Arab women and their rich and diverse experiences. It's aims to present the multiplicity of women's voices and it tuition to break cultural stereotypes about women of the middle east, as well as educate and empower the younger generation of middle Eastern woman who are stripped off their historical reference. And weren't necessarily raised to believe in their agency and power to create their own destiny. Um, I'm, <inaudible>, I'm a feminist scholar and educator. I'm also the author of Arab woman and Arab news, all stereotypes. And you meet you. I created this podcast to be an extension and an update of the book and its main topics.
Speaker 0 00:00:55 Hello, and welcome to episode nine. Episode nine was a very tough one to record, um, and conceive because I, I started with an intention to continue this series of women in conflict zones. And I wanted to focus on Palestinian woman. However, uh, the mother of all conflicts is the Palestinian one. Um, although, you know, words like conflict battle or struggle, aren't, I believe the right words to describe the reality and intensity and severity of, um, uh, the occupation of Palestine. Palestine is a nation under occupation is a colonized nation and the Palestinian people have been under, um, colonialism, uh, since 48. When I looked at, um, what I wanted to include in the episode, uh, in terms of historical background and such, I was worried really of, of missing things out. The history from the angle of woman's struggled, uh, depicting woman's history, uh, gives us a more comprehensive and realistic, uh, version.
Speaker 0 00:02:08 Um, that's usually is not accounted for, or usually is not independent when speaking about histories of nations under a threat or under occupation. And this is why I wanted to speak about, um, woman's struggled right from the beginning, the holy land of Palestine, um, which is a sacred spot and holy land to Judaism, Christianity and Islam, which is a symbol or a religious and a historical symbol, but also reality for those who are living, uh, under occupation, uh, very tough and sad and long history, but off and balanced powers and power dynamic, which always disadvantage the talking about the history of Palestine, uh, through woman's lens, through a woman's organizations and feminists struggle, and Palestine gives it another dimension, Palestine and its long and brutal history, uh, of conflict, uh, where freedom fighters, uh, have been turned into terrorists. And the Western popular mind, uh, Nelson Mandela has said, we know too well that our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians.
Speaker 0 00:03:36 It is the subject of scholarly work, but we cannot speak a seminal work, uh, without mentioning Edward's side, the books, the question of Palestine that was published in 1979, and that was followed by covering Islam published in 1981, Edward stayed focused on uncovering the misrepresentations of contemporary politics in the middle east by Western and especially American moody, the uncovered, uh, biases, and, uh, stated at the truths behind the Palestinian exile and disposition. What he did also was he forwarded a Palestinian narrative to counter design lists or a pro Israeli narrative that's out there. And that has been powerful basically in the west. And I would say Edward's site is one of the first actually scholars who managed to do such and his work has been the foundation upon which other work have been, um, based, uh, lots of scholars have added to that narrative chapters and chapters of books.
Speaker 0 00:04:52 One of the data's to books. Her is also one that, um, I re read recently and it's by a faculty member at my college, uh, titled a woman's political activism and Palestine, a peace-building and resistance of survival that was published in 2018. It adds another chapter and the Palestinian narrative by capturing the informal activism of foreman based on alternative memories and histories that the informal, as well as formal woman activism provide a picture. Although I don't believe it's a complete one because I believe that as much as we scholars anthropologists, historians try to capture and document, um, when he goes on to an undocumented, but it gives a picture about the historical sequence, um, uh, evolution of that activism, whether formal or informal, although this book focuses, the informal acts off political activism, it's worth reading.
Speaker 0 00:06:09 Okay. And this app. So to run this in Euro, who's the general director of the women's center for legal aid and counseling. She is a human rights and women's rights activists with a professional experience in the field of international human rights and humanitarian law for over 35 years, she was the first listing in a woman, uh, effort to brief the UN security council on women, peace and security in 2018 and 2019, she was selected among the 100 most influential people in gender policy around the world. Rwanda has an LLM and international human rights law from the university of ethics, UK, and an ma degree in sociology, anthropology from the American university in Cairo. Brenda Senora gives a comprehensive background of her personal narrative. She speaks about her journey as a human rights defender through talking about her childhood upbringing, education and career. Her personal narrative is a part of the political and historical narrative of her country.
Speaker 0 00:07:20 Palestine. It was occupied when she was only six years old and this historical turn has shaped who she is and what she stands for. Like everyone else on that land background of the political, uh, is very, um, prominent and very important in their lives. Palestine is a nation under occupation, a nation where a woman carry a double oppression as women and as Palestinians. This is therefore important for us as listeners to understand that personal narrative. And it's not just to any person there. So it's a woman's story. Um, and this is exactly what makes it special and add to that, the fact that pictures intertwined with the historical and political context, that till this day determined who they are and how they live this intersectionality links to the socioeconomic oppression of women with the national oppression and the gender oppression with the political oppression. I also inject some background information to the interview and these intervals are to widen the lens for a speaker who is keen on understanding the story from this beginning. I add defamation about women's movements in Palestine and the major divergences that they witnessed. So shall we begin, let's take this journey into Palestinian woman's story and that's in Europe. It's a pleasure to have you on a woman of the middle east, uh, podcast.
Speaker 1 00:09:00 Thank you. Um, and, uh, the pleasure is really mine to be with you today. Uh, I am Handa Senora. I am a Palestinian human rights, human rights defender, and a feminist who has devoted her whole life to human rights issues from my childhood. It seems that I was born to be a human rights defender and the women's rights defender. I do recall from my very young age, I was encouraged by my father. He was my model. Uh, he thought from the very beginning, I should be a lawyer because I always defended my rights and the I never accepted like my siblings that he imposes anything on me. I always told him we can discuss. And if you can convince me, then I, I will take your point of view. If you don't convince me, then you have to accept my opinion. So from the very beginning, I said to my father who couldn't impose anything on me, and often he would tell me, I don't know why I didn't accept your opinion before going into this in-depth discussions, because after all you're you are beating me.
Speaker 1 00:10:10 I was encouraged by my father to speak out and be courageous. And I always bring in the story of my very conservative cousin of my father, who was like always insisting that girls should have, shouldn't be equal to boys in the family. And, uh, he was always irritated that I wear my chore shorts when I was in a younger age. And I get out of the house, eh, to, uh, to, to go for sports with my shorts. It was an accountant who works on a, on a gas station just across our home. And therefore just to defy him, I would always take the bus from the second station in order to pass by his office. Every time he was visiting us, my father would go and tell me, go put on your chores. We have a visitor today, I guess definitely in a patriarchal society, despite the fact that my father was a bit more open as a father in, he had his own thinking of the role of where we stand as girls and boys are.
Speaker 1 00:11:19 Despite the very fact that he was a bit open about it. There are things that are allowed to my brother, but not necessarily allowed to us as, as good as we were four girls and one boy to give us that background. I knew from the very beginning that I should be an advocate and a lawyer. And I turned out at the very end when I, I even wanted to continue my studies in law, but I didn't. I went through sociology and, um, and the anthropology at the beginning, I got my first degree, second degree at university, but then I decided that I wanted to do a human rights. I started my first career in a mainstream human rights organization. Very not well known and Hawk, not in the service of man and the man called in Arabic. It says <inaudible> human rights, but in English, it's the law in the service of math and meaning humanity and human beings.
Speaker 1 00:12:21 You know, eh, I developed the career, the program on the women's rights at, uh, I was a legal researcher at the time, and I developed the program on women's rights. And because at the time there were no women's human rights organizations per se professional specialized organizations. And it was very important to mainstream human rights in the women's rights, in the work of human rights organizations. I joined on half in 87 and then there were no organization at the time. And only late eighties and early nineties women's professional organizations like human rights organizations were established, including the organization that I'm now where I'm heading, which is the Mann center for legal aid and counseling. It has been established in 91 as a feminist, uh, human rights, uh, women's organization to provide legal aid and services to men, victims of gender based violence and to influence policies and legislation.
Speaker 1 00:13:24 The services were intended in order to really change the change, the existing policies and legislation, which was discriminatory and were inherited from the previous historical periods, which in which Palestine has been, whether the British mandate over Palestine, even it goes some of the legislation and policies go back to the Ottoman period, Palestine, historic Palestine in the four to 400 years. And then we had the British mandate of Palestine and then the Jordanian new over the west bank and east Jerusalem, as well as the Egyptian rule over because a strip. So if you think these, uh, historic periods, eh, the, the governing the body or the other months, eh, because the own laws on Palestine, or even up front, eh, legislation that were either based in Gaza on the Palestinian laws, but also, uh, on the other legislation. So there are different legal settings or sets of laws that are still enforced.
Speaker 1 00:14:34 This has been further, uh, made more compound with the advent or with the Israeli military occupation in 1967 of the remaining part of historic Palestine, the westbound, and as a strip, including also of course, east Jerusalem and imposing military orders. That's what amending or changing current legislation. And therefore, although an occupying power under international humanitarian law, no, uh, uh, right legislation, but it was near the Israelis that imposed legislation to amend the existing laws under the pretext of the best interest of the local population for security consultations and what cases, um, and, and the, this has goes to a lot of major amendments to existing laws then, and imposed on the, uh, the Palestinians living in the 1967 occupied Palestinian territory, as you know, 1996 with the advent of the Palestinian authority in the early nineties, we had the first Palestinian elections before that, and we had the military role is right.
Speaker 1 00:15:48 It is what imposing that military road. The only elections that took place were for Newton municipal elections in 1976. And these municipal elections or local elections, which these right is conducted prior to the advent of the Palestinian orthotic tea were conducted in order to try to bring in and put out with our village leads that were very much connected with Israel in the new occupation. And they wanted to, uh, impose them on the local policy on our population. And then they also heavily dependent on, uh, on the votes of Palestinian women whom they thought would bore and the vote for the traditional tribalistic elements in the society. The surprise for us, for the Israelis when Palestinian women being part of the Palestinian national movement has voted for the more progressive national groups. And the elections were a failure for the Israelis. They underestimated the role of pacinian women.
Speaker 1 00:16:54 Therefore the elections were lost by the village leaks who were cooperating with the Israelis. And that, that was the only democratic practice that we had under occupation limited under a hidden agenda. But, uh, the actual elections were after Oslo and the advent of the election of the Palestinian first Palestinian legislative council in 1996. And in that actions, it was the person that started to, eh, to legislate and eh, and develop their own legislation to develop their own judicial system and so on with limitations because Oslo has its own limitations under this environment, my organization, as a feminist, a human rights organization, and many other organizations are functioning. We are just as an NGO organization under the Palestinian laws, new laws were adopted. And it was from the very beginning of the advent of the Palestinian authority that the feminist movement and my organization, we, with the women's center for legal aid and counseling, and we need the first initiative in the early nineties. I do recall it, it was the modern parliament, women and legislation. We surveyed all the existing previous legislation, and we saw the discriminatory provisions in the law, and we, I liked it <inaudible>.
Speaker 1 00:18:33 And then we started to develop strategies to lobby and influence policies and legislation. As early as advent of the Palestinian authority, we want the DeWalt conduct legal reform. We wanted to overcome the previous heritage of contradicting legislation. And we entered into the legal reform process with a lot of advocacy work, mobilizing this, eh, the Palestinian public, especially women in, at the grassroots level, working with other organizations and human rights organizations that started to emerge. It is early nineties, the women's movement as early as the late seventies developed these competencies, that what at the grassroots level with the local communities, with the women at different, most isolated areas and develop a social agenda where we address the issues that are important for women and for women's emancipation and the right to equal gender rights equality before the no, and in political life. And so
Speaker 0 00:19:50 I interfere here to give a summary of the organized women's movements and their role as agents and the continuous conflict for liberation, feminist movements took different means of activism and their activism focused on different areas, depending on the political and historical contexts that we're living in. The history of women's activism. And Palestine can be traced back to the 1920s where the roots of Palestinian feminisms were with anti colonialists and anti Zionists movements of the 1920s. The Palestinian woman's union was formed in 1921 coinciding with growing resistance to Zionists penetration, and the union shared the same political aims as the male dominated national movement. The Palestinian woman's union took parts and demonstrations against the both for a declaration. And it was the second oldest Palestinian organization of any type. There were similarities between the early Palestinian women's movements and women's movements and other Islamic countries, namely the women's movements came on the platform of national liberation.
Speaker 0 00:20:58 Uh, the woman who fought for women's issues were educated upper class woman. And at that point, the Palestinian woman's movement did not question traditional gender roles or demand, gender equality, instead, their interests lay and charitable and relief work among the needy. Uh, the second phase was in 1936 to 1939, uh, during the revolt against Jewish settlement, Palestinian woman cared for the injured, took parts and demonstrations heads rebels, and some also took an active part in the armed struggle during the third phase, which was 1947, 1948 with the establishment of the state of Israel women increasingly carried the double burden of family and nation thus radically altering their social roles. The fourth phase, which was in the 1950s and 1960s, um, which some define as the period at that the first generation activists, uh, came about. Um, we, so the growth of many Palestinian political movements in the 1950s and the war of the 1967 brought many political movements to the front.
Speaker 0 00:22:15 Each of these groupings had women's groups just as all the groupings are represented in the Palestinian national council. The women's groups are themselves represented in an umbrella group. The woman's union, the women's union also contains a woman's unaffiliated to any women's groups. These four phases made up at the first generation of women's organizations, feminist woman organizations. Now the second generation started in 1967 to around 82, where women's activism took an U-turn after the 1967 as regularly co occupation feast Jerusalem, west bank and Gaza strip women's rights. And the primary role of caregiving took second place to the nationalist cause the charitable work of the first generation of Palestinian woman, activists was replaced by a more radical stumps. Nobody was hurt generation of female Palestinian feminists, and excuse me and women organizations, um, that started in 19 around 1982 as the third generation, that was impatient with the restraints, uh, shown by previous generations. They redefined what was political and the came to the forefront by participating in politics. Uh, some examples are, uh, Hannah shadowy and antasari Lewis the new generation of the 1990s. Um, actually so many changes in women's movements and Palestine as a result of the political climate, uh, in the early 1990s, uh, for example, the Intifada, the increased global networking, the cumulative struggles of Palestinian woman. And this is where we left our speaker when the senior. So let's go back to
Speaker 1 00:24:11 All of that is editorial, or that has been at them. These committees were very much engaged with the later movement of more professional organizations like my organization. Well, we started to get into a more professional way. The professional work, one of us was combined with the work of offer these committees, as well as the earliest is six days. You know, th eh, within, in the context of the Palestinian liberation organization, that was the Palestinian general union or the general union of Palestinian women, which reflected or represented the Palestinian political parties and poppy popular movements and policy woman led on the national council. And the general union was on the national council of the Palestinian, uh, of the, the, of the PLO and its different institutions. And so the modern parliament was only the first initiative that was really attacked, attacked heavily by the traditional elements, including the more political Islamic movements who emerged also with the first Palestinian in the father in 89, and started to, uh, really also stand against the Palestinian women's movement.
Speaker 1 00:25:35 They claimed that we bring in, uh, Western ideas that Islam has provided women with all the rights to what we're claiming is not justified, and that person women are respected. And that, and that this is only the organizations that are being funded by Western countries that are, and the European union that are bringing alien ideas to our own society. And the attack against I started from the mother parliament and the first organization to be attacked was with, you know, the Palestinian society and the women's movement been existing probably after the advent of the Palestinian authority. And we have been a vibrant civil society. Did you think the absence of a government during the years of occupation and therefore we are a vibrant civil society that will not give in very easily every time we're being constrained now by the authority, by at times to control the work of civil society organizations, we stand very far together as a movement because we believe in our rights and we believe in the, that civil society can play the role of efficient institutions.
Speaker 1 00:26:48 And therefore we don't give up on that. We want to continue with our work, with our oversight of the performance of the Palestinian authority in all aspects of Palestinian life, including a gender equality and women's human rights. I just want to mention that when I wasn't at the club, we had an initiative to the advent of the Palestinian authority that as for that is focused on gender equality. We initiated a project at the time, which is women. No, and the, we took the example of the Asian women and the African women who wanted to work on women law and development, and wanted to really, eh, ensure gender equality through legal reform. And at the time we developed a work in the Palestinian society, slightly similar to the modern parliament, but was done under the women law and development experience. And in it, we worked with working groups and we formulated a comment is in the most remote areas.
Speaker 1 00:27:56 And we started to open the debate even prior to the advent of the Palestinian authority. We were sure that we don't have laws that protect women victims of violence. We are not happy with the penal laws that, that do not address sexual violence, domestic violence within the family and all of that. And we wanted to make reform in the family personal status laws that impact the daily lives of women. That was a Huck's initiative, but because it was prior to the advent of the Palestinian authority, and prior to the formulation of some of the Islamic movements, we were attacked mildly, but that was when the Palestinian authority was there because they wanted to use women as, um, as only a tool for political, both of the newly established political parties, namely Hamas at the time. And this experience, we, we then decided as with luck that we want to document, and we really documented this from the experience of women.
Speaker 1 00:29:05 And now we have a well documented reports, which we prepared and launched, uh, in only in, uh, eh, 2017. It took us 20 years maybe to reflect on it. And the report was out. It started by the previous director, the founder of my organization with luck, but then I pursued the project and I launched the report when I took over. And then in 2000 to 15, the Fonda, uh, diseased <inaudible>, who was my teacher as well because I worked her, uh, she was my boss and she worked with me and she has a lot to do with where I stand today. Now in defending women's human rights. Uh, she, she, she wanted to document the experience and she finalized that, but she passed away only before the launching of the, uh, the study
Speaker 0 00:30:02 The is, is it testimony? It's, it's a very important report for next generations of women, feminists and women, um, feminist movements to understand that political climate that doesn't change in our world, right? It's very static. We see that we see that happening over and over women being manipulated and used for political reasons. And this is something else we want to talk about how the west perceive us as women as if we are submissive as well. They don't know about our internal struggles as well. Okay. So that's kind of the Freeport that, that has this importance. How can you communicate this report to a woman all over the world?
Speaker 1 00:30:53 Truly we did the report in both Arabic and English to make sure that we reach out to the wider, uh, societies, but, eh, yes, as you mentioned, we are not submissive people on the contrary. And now I see it, the normal in the Arab movement as well in the Arabic, in the MENA region and you movements are emerging. And the, and they are very strong movements we had in the, in the past, we have Alisha movement. And now we have <inaudible>. We have now during COVID 19, uh, <inaudible> in, in, in Tunisia, uh, initiated by Tunisia and women. We have now during COVID 19th, there was an initiative to have a network that includes most of the women's feminists in the MENA region. And we develop a strong network. We have a very vibrant civil society, feminist movement, women's organizations working. They're responding to me, it's for conflicts to occupation, to all of that.
Speaker 1 00:31:54 And at the same time, we are still not in decision making presumable positions in public life. And the discourse used by our governments is still establishing our traditional roles as Housewives and mothers and the three caregivers to members of the family. And even in the discourse of the spokesperson of the policy authority, he came up to say, eh, eh, during Ramadan it's true, that was still unlocked lock down, but I'm sure that you're wise to provide her with the best meals you could ever think of. I think our problem with the mean on agents is that we are witnessing John Hurley regression and dry some freedoms in democracies. I mean, the hunter spring has not, has not really materialized into changing the core situation to have, uh, I mean, the results we, we can have that the existing regimes, what able to re positions and come in different forms in decision making positions at the expense of developing democracies and, uh, eh, with exceptions, I would say.
Speaker 0 00:33:14 And if you think about it, this is very disappointing, especially for the youth, right? And it does increase number of mental issues, the immigration, uh, the youth to have, um, again, uh, given up on us, they're immigrating to the west, uh, thinking, you know, they're, they would find themselves there were,
Speaker 1 00:33:31 Yeah, given the given, they are not given the opportunity. I would give you one example from the Palestinian context, eh, with Clark and the feminist movement in Palestine is Mosul is pushing for more representation of women in the upcoming elections, which will take place in may. Last week, we were a 10th of, uh, of March <inaudible> taking place in, uh, in Cairo, among the political parties among the amounts was that we wanted to reduce the age of, uh, candidacy to men and women to enable the younger generation to take over the political it's 20, 20 at two years, which is not the average, even in the region, in the region, it's around 22 or 23. Anybody from the younger generation cannot run into the upcoming, uh, uh, Palestinian, legislative elections. And they come up through each parliament, the political parties meeting in Cairo last week, where like, oh, agreeing.
Speaker 1 00:34:37 And they came up with, uh, for the conduct and the agreement on the upcoming elections. But there was no consensus on reducing the age of, uh, of the candidates for, eh, the, the 30% quota for women, which we want them to push forward. What, what we had was that we agreed with the political parties and the national council that, that there will be such a percent representation for women. Now, we want to push for the political parties to ensure that these are in the top priority of the list because they might win the elections. And we don't expect more than 22 to 23% representation of Palestinian women in the upcoming elections, or depending on the Palestinian political parties to bear the brunt of political divide between the two major political parties. <inaudible>. And now it seems that there are arrangements between them to, to, to forget all the, the conflict of the past, without any transitional justice, without paying the price of the victimization of numerous families, by killing them and arresting them and torturing them and all of that.
Speaker 1 00:35:50 They want to forget all of that, that now reaching out to what they call it, to divide the seeds among them. And they might come up even with a child at the expense of the rights and freedoms of the people that will not allow the younger generation, because those who are empowered will stay in power. So they're not going to allow the younger generation to take the lead, but the problems are also the results of the lack of interference and lack of interest of international community to change the situation in the middle east development is the cause of the control of our resources, of our political life, our alliances, and our region that interests them economy, political interests. Now
Speaker 0 00:36:35 I, 100% agree with you. No one is innocent of what's happening in Palestine. And, and even when we talk about Palestinian woman and feminist movements and Palestine, and how it has been dropped from the academic discourse, this is not done in a sensitive, in a way, definitely it is full at this size. It is trying to reinforce and perpetuate a certain image of Palestinian woman. What's you represent today? You're such a role model for, for feminist, not just in the Arab world, but also in the whole world. People need to see that more often than not
Speaker 1 00:37:10 In our universities. The percentage of women, eh, graduates reaches 65%, see women are educated. You know, my mother is 19 two years. She speaks three languages. She has got her degree. And that was, eh, this is, this is the real example of Palestinian women. I mean, my mother is not young, but she can speak French, English and Arabic. And, and that really reflects that, especially at the time Jerusalemites and in the main cities of Nablus and Hebron and women were getting their education and they were engaged, but this is also as correct as about other Arab women in the region, we are progressing, we are confronting many challenges being in Petrarca societies, being under colonial occupation, or be in our situation as Palestinians, but by, but also in conflict situations, when we, as women are paying and young girls are paying the price, the highest price compared with other members of the society, women in Yemen, in Libya, and in, in, in all the regions are still suffering from the Syria or the conflicts that we have no interest in the wars that will not range.
Speaker 1 00:38:28 You know, it wasn't us that made the most, but we have to be at the brands of these wars and conflicts in our region. So without being in, I mean, that's what we always say. If we are not in the leadership, we are not in decision making positions. We are not changing. We are, we are not able to make change because we know the priorities. We know the needs of all members of the family. We don't want wars. We want peace and security, human scale it to everybody in our own communities and society. I didn't mention the sufferings of Palestinian women under occupation. Israeli occupation continues with its, uh, it's said business as usual as usual, but women are suffering during COVID-19. And before that, over all the years of my life, as a Palestinian woman, I was six years and a half, seven years when the occupation took over Palestine.
Speaker 1 00:39:21 And we, we, we had to live our lives within a patriarchal society under colonial occupation. And as well as, as the sufferings that has been compounded with COVID-19 and all the responsibilities industry on us as Palestinian women. But having said all of that, we are part of the national movement. As early as the 19th century, we have been engaged, but what role has changed, but we have been all through that, the movement working closely with the Palestinian national movement and at the same time, linking that with our struggles as women and as feminists. And we are much concerned as Palestinian woman to end the situation, which is the grassroots of all our problems to have it just and durable solution to the Palestinian Israeli.
Speaker 0 00:40:12 And listen, you're a thank you so much. I really appreciate it. Thank you for opening some eyes, definitely to the realities of the Palestinian woman, uh, and the history of, of feminist movements and Palestine. And thank you for amplifying, uh, the other voices within the community. This shows the intersectionality of what we do. Uh, women are a part of all levels of the society and your struggle is our struggles
Speaker 1 00:40:39 For giving me this opportunity to be on your podcast. I hope that my voice reaches out. I'm only one example of many hundreds, thousands of Palestinian women who are braver or a stronger blotter at working in order to change the realities of women and to have a better life for us and for our new agenda, for the new generation of our children and the grandchildren. We want a better life where we live in peace security and the, and the, and at the same time, enjoy our rights and freedoms as women and girls in our own communities.
Speaker 0 00:41:18 Definitely. And with people like you, we always, we're always hopeful. Um, we're with you heart and soul <inaudible> thank you
Speaker 1 00:41:25 So, so much, so much fun. And having me, I am honored to be on the set program
Speaker 0 00:41:45 After, well, we have listened to run this years interview. I hope we have understood the complexity of the lives of Palestinian woman and moreover the complexity of the work of feminist organizations. Um, and Palestine, I touched upon scholarship on Palestine. Uh, and the episode I spoke about a book that was produced by one of our faculty. And I'd like to end with a voice note, uh, from one of our, uh, Emmy graduates from woman society and development, Emmy program, her name is <inaudible> and she has, uh, written her thesis on Palestine and Palestinian woman. And finally, I leave you with a lovely voice from Kuwait, the voice of Moodle hauler, who sings for Palestine until next time take care. And Stacy,
Speaker 3 00:42:48 My thesis title is, uh, representations of Palestine and not capable of doing women in Israeli, cinema, gender, and sexuality and settler colonial imaginaries. Um, in my thesis, I focus in to ups two Israeli, uh, films, uh, which are sound the storm, uh, and desert of brides. They both represented the Palestinian and the twins, uh, from a colonial orientalist perspective with a strong gendered dimensions. Um, this perspective reinforces Sivir the stereotypes on Midlands, labeling them as polygamous, uncivilized the tribal and the medic who reject to be modernized and prefer to stay in isolated desert based dense with goats and camels, and both films actually emphasize the patriarchal culture subjugation of Lidl and women ignoring the colonial situation they live in, uh, such as for example, the problem of, uh, unorganized, uh, villages of the problem of poverty. The problem of being prevented, uh, from, uh, several CVL and social rights in a community, both movies actually represent the Israelis.
Speaker 3 00:44:12 It look could an ISER as a savior who will save a brown women from brown men. That's, uh, also as to save a breast between women and from there, uh, oppressive Beduin men in the films actually do not focus on the midway and active participation on community. They always depict them as passive as controlled, uh, subdued subjugated women submitted to the male dominant society and confined in their private as fear. However, um, there are so many Palestinian, a Bedouin women who are agents who have power, who are very active in a community who holds different, uh, uh, posts or, uh, jobs. The significance of this study lies in bringing in you counter perspectives on colonial orientalist representations of, uh, the policy. The knock on bid wins, shedding the light on the crucial role, that knowledge of production of plays in underlining and justifying, um, political projects such as, uh, the Israeli settler colonialism. This kind of is 30 may Arab Palestinian filmmakers to work on presenting, um, these counter perspectives in Palestinian cinema. And I really believe that a future film studies on Israeli cinema, which shed the light on the panacea, Dwayne should actually reflect the actual and factual life of, of a bedwin, uh, women
